The John Batchelor Show

The Fall of Communism: Top-Down Collapse and the Legacy of Violence in Modern Russia Professor Sean McMeekin The final segment discusses the collapse of communist regimes in 1989, contending that these regimes generally did not fall because of a rising from the bottom. Instead, the collapse was largely top-down, driven by the disappearance of Soviet coercion or inside palace coups, such as the one that overthrew the Ceaușescus in Romania or the mutiny that lined the armed forces up behind Yeltsin in Russia. In modern Russia, there is a hybrid system that includes statism, control of media, and nostalgia for the Soviet period and Stalin's legacy as a "builder" and "conqueror," but it has jettisoned Lenin and full communism. The core thesis reaffirmed is that extreme violence is the predicate for the communist vision.

The conversation moves back to the USSR with Nikita Khrushchev's 1956 Secret Speech, which led to disruption in Eastern Europe. The Cuban Missile Crisis (1962) is analyzed as an act of traditional great power politics driven by the desire to prove Soviet superiority and overturn the strategic balance in intercontinental ballistic missiles. The 1979 invasion of Afghanistan is highlighted as a remarkable mistake that undermined détente and gave the United States an opportunity to pressure the USSR. Mikhail Gorbachev attempted to reform and reinvigorate Soviet communism based on a close reading of Marx and Lenin, but failed because he did not understand that the system was not popular and rested entirely on force.

The Nihilism of the Red Guards and Mao's International Maneuvers Professor Sean McMeekin This segment explores the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (1966) and the Red Guards, characterized by a "radical cult of youth" and a nihilistic side of communism involving the destruction of urbane, literate civilization and turning against education, books, professors, the elderly, and foreigners. During this time, there was severe tension between Moscow and Beijing in the Sino-Soviet split. Mao utilized the Soviet Union as a useful enemy to demonize and scapegoat opponents internally, while using geopolitical maneuvering—such as coziness with Romania and the eventual opening to the United States—to punch above his weight internationally.

The focus shifts to Mao Zedong and Chinese communism, which was highly influenced by sharp anti-imperialism and xenophobia, blending the Marxist binary struggle with resentment of foreign exploitation. After Stalin's death, Mao began to "experiment," resulting in the Great Leap Forward, which aimed to rapidly "catch up and surpass the West" by radically overturning agriculture and simultaneously industrializing. This chaotic effort, including the collectivization of agriculture and communal organization, led to a vast famine that caused the deaths of tens of millions of people.

The discussion turns to Joseph Stalin and his relationship with the legacy of Leninism. Stalin was a more "ideologically flexible" and savvy political operator than Trotsky, who was relentlessly focused on immediate and continuous revolution. While both Lenin and Trotsky employed political violence, the terror under Stalin was a different phenomenon because much of it was directed at high-ranking members of the Communist Party and the secret police in the Great Purge. The purges were motivated by Stalin's paranoia and the need to find scapegoats for the regime's failure to deliver prosperity and freedom. The assassination of Trotsky in 1940 is often seen as wrapping up the Great Terror, though arrests and executions continued.

This segment addresses Vladimir Lenin's adoption of Marx's ideas, particularly the aspect of Marxism requiring political violence. Lenin's major innovation, often called "vanguardism," involved a top-down party of professional revolutionaries leading the workers. Inspired by Marx's reaction to the Franco-Prussian War, Lenin developed "revolutionary defeatism," which held that imperial wars between capitalist powers would create opportunities for revolution in the losing nation. This civil war would beget a "state of perennial global civil war" between the new proletarian dictatorship and non-communist countries, which Lenin explicitly advocated for as an ideal scenario, standing in tension with Marx's "emiseration thesis."

Professor McMeekin states clearly that communism, specifically Marxist-Leninism, prospers only in conjunction with extreme violence and the disintegration of governance norms. The discussion covers the French revolutionary Babeuf, who advocated for the overturning of private property, centralized rationing, and "cleansing political violence" against "class enemies." Babeuf set a precedent for the centrality of political violence to the communist project. Marx later embraced the Paris Commune of 1871, even though he did not organize it, seeing the Commune's violence—including the killing of class enemies and throwing women and children into battle—as proof of the veracity and sincerity of a true communist revolution.

Tiananmen Square, the Unmasking of Communism, and Karl Marx's Hegelian Roots Professor Sean McMeekin Professor Sean McMeekin's book, To Overthrow the World: The Rise and Fall and Rise of Communism, begins with the Tiananmen Square Massacre in 1989 as the "tearing off of the mask" of communism, revealing raw force and brutality. The discussion traces communism back to Karl Marx, noting that he was a Hegelian who drew from Hegel the idea of history as a product of "incessant struggle," which Marx reduced to class struggle between oppressors and oppressed. Marx's theory, described as an "abstract word game" and a "philosophical project," posited that history would inevitably simplify into a "binary dialectical cataclysm" between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat.

Legacies in Modern Asia: China's Judge and Japan's Shrine Controversy Professor Gary Bass Chinese Judge May Ruo centered the suffering of Asian peoples but chose to return to Mainland China, making him vulnerable as a "bourgeois" intellectual. Modern tensions persist regarding the Yasukuni Shrine, which has enshrined 14 Class A war criminals. Former PM Shinzo Abe's visits were fueled by resentment inherited from his grandfather, who was held as a suspected Class A criminal but was never indicted.

Indian Judge Rabhabinod Pal wrote a massive dissent, arguing the court lacked legitimacy due to the dominance of imperial powers. Pal, who focused heavily on racism and colonialism, questioned the evidence of Japanese atrocities at Nanjing. During the 1948 executions, army defendants chanted "Banzai" (Long live the Emperor). The US Supreme Court upheld the military commissions by narrowly refusing jurisdiction.

The conspiracy charge, borrowed from Nuremberg, was awkward given the rivalries within the splintered Japanese government. The legal foundation for Class A (aggressive war) relied on treaties like the Kellogg-Briand Pact. This 1928 pact made aggressive war illegal but failed to establish individual criminal responsibility or penalties. All surviving defendants were convicted of at least one charge, receiving mixed verdicts.

As the Cold War set in (1948), George Kennan urged MacArthur to halt progressive liberalization policies. Kennan argued that extensive democratization risked communist subversion, emphasizing the need for a strong, stable, anti-communist Japan. This marked a major shift, recognizing Japan, rather than China, as the crucial strategic anchor for American foreign policy in Asia.

Truman's "crony-like" approach led to the appointment of Chief Prosecutor Joseph Keenan, who was incompetent and struggled with alcoholism. Keenan was far inferior to Nuremberg's Robert Jackson. The trial transcript reached 50,000 pages over two and a half years. Chief Judge Sir William Webb was overly cranky and seemed to favor the prosecution, alienating the defense and other judges.

The American occupation began amidst vast ruins; Japanese officials burned evidence regarding atrocities like Nanjing. Class A crimes focused on aggressive war, targeting senior leaders like Tojo Hideki. Crucial prosecution evidence was found in the detailed diary of the emperor's advisor, Kido Koichi. The US Supreme Court ruled against jurisdiction over earlier military commissions. The International Military Tribunal for the Far East was subsequently established.

Japan's nominal unconditional surrender was conditional on retaining Emperor Hirohito, who was deemed helpful for managing troops and legitimizing the US occupation. General MacArthur, haunted by the Bataan Death March, conducted immediate, swift trials via military commissions against two former enemies. MacArthur initially planned a short, six-month trial focused only on aggression at Pearl Harbor.

Truman Takes Command: Unconditional Surrender and the Brutality of Final Battles Professor Gary Bass Harry Truman assumed the presidency unprepared for the war in Asia or foreign policy. He inherited the demand for unconditional surrender. The immense casualties at Okinawa terrified him about a ground invasion. Before the atomic bombs, US firebombing killed 210,000 Japanese, leading to warnings to Truman about "outdoing Hitler's atrocities." The Potsdam Declaration demanded "Stern justice" for war criminals.

Rommel was increasingly critical of Hitler's flawed personality and his callousness regarding troop lives, ultimately dying because he was a respected military professional who commanded the loyalty of the Wehrmacht. Patton repeatedly displayed abusive behavior toward subordinates, physically and verbally, dating back to WWI. While this behavior was problematic, it was also integral to his impetuous, risk-taking style that made him a great armored commander. Montgomery earned the lasting respect of his peers, despite interpersonal conflicts, exemplified by Omar Bradley's simple note, "thanks," left on his grave. Retry

Montgomery, commanding ground forces for D-Day, gave a "scintillating" and persuasive briefing on his revised Overlord plan. He set objectives in Normandy, like capturing Caen, that were perhaps beyond the means of his exhausted British troops, worsening his relationship with American generals. Montgomery's Operation Market Garden failed to achieve its objectives; the absence of his trusted chief of staff, Freddy Duingan, removed a critical checks and balances system. Rommel showed moral courage by standing up to Hitler in June 1944, arguing the war was over and negotiations were necessary. Patton's swift repositioning of his Third Army to relieve Bastogne during the Battle of the Bulge was his finest hour, surprising both allies and Germans.

Bernard Montgomery, supported by his patron Alan Brooke, took command of the demoralized Eighth Army in August 1942. He immediately planned an attack at El Alamein, believing the best defense was attack. Rommel was suffering from chronic health issues, including high blood pressure and stomach problems, stemming from exhaustion and poor self-care due to his constant presence with the troops. Patton entered the conflict via Operation Torch, but rivalry with Montgomery quickly arose during planning for Operation Husky (Sicily), as neither general was initially impressed with the other.

Pre-WWII US exercises, influenced by Patton and his peers, successfully showcased armored warfare. Patton was eccentric, boring audiences with detailed lectures on Roman generals and claiming to be the reincarnation of Napoleon, which disconnected him from his troops. Montgomery, leading the Third Division, trained his men endlessly and formed a cohesive team before the Dunkirk evacuation, seeing the retreat as a challenge to rebuild. Rommel was given command of the 7th Panzer Division in 1940 and, due to his aggressive success, became known as the commander of the "phantom division," celebrated by Nazi propaganda.